{"title":"International Relations","description":"","products":[{"product_id":"the-godfather-doctrine-9780691141473","title":"The Godfather Doctrine","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003ci\u003eThe Godfather Doctrine\u003c\/i\u003e draws clear and essential lessons from perhaps the greatest Hollywood movie ever made to illustrate America's changing geopolitical place in the world and how our country can best meet the momentous strategic challenges it faces.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  In the movie \u003ci\u003eThe Godfather\u003c\/i\u003e, Don Corleone, head of New York's most powerful organized-crime family, is shockingly gunned down in broad daylight, leaving his sons Sonny and Michael, along with his adopted son, consigliere Tom Hagen, to chart a new course for the family. 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Does competition reflect pressures generated by the anarchic international system or rather states' own expansionist goals? Are the United States and China on a collision course to war, or is continued coexistence possible? Is peace in the Middle East even feasible? Charles Glaser puts forward a major new theory of international politics that identifies three kinds of variables that influence a state's strategy: the state's motives, specifically whether it is motivated by security concerns or \"greed\"; material variables, which determine its military capabilities; and information variables, most importantly what the state knows about its adversary's motives.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003ci\u003eRational Theory of International Politics\u003c\/i\u003e demonstrates that variation in motives can be key to the choice of strategy; that the international environment sometimes favors cooperation over competition; and that information variables can be as important as material variables in determining the strategy a state should choose.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Charles L. 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But in \u003ci\u003eWho Owns Antiquity?\u003c\/i\u003e, one of the world's leading museum directors vigorously challenges this nationalistic position, arguing that it is damaging and often disingenuous. \"Antiquities,\" James Cuno argues, \"are the cultural property of all humankind,\" \"evidence of the world's ancient past and not that of a particular modern nation. They comprise antiquity, and antiquity knows no borders.\"\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Cuno argues that nationalistic retention and reclamation policies impede common access to this common heritage and encourage a dubious and dangerous politicization of antiquities--and of culture itself. Antiquities need to be protected from looting but also from nationalistic identity politics. To do this, Cuno calls for measures to broaden rather than restrict international access to antiquities. He advocates restoration of the system under which source countries would share newly discovered artifacts in exchange for archaeological help, and he argues that museums should again be allowed reasonable ways to acquire undocumented antiquities. Cuno explains how partage broadened access to our ancient heritage and helped create national museums in Cairo, Baghdad, and Kabul. 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Michael Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis argue that each mission must be designed to fit the conflict, with the right authority and adequate resources. UN missions can be effective by supporting new actors committed to the peace, building governing institutions, and monitoring and policing implementation of peace settlements. But the UN is not good at intervening in ongoing wars. If the conflict is controlled by spoilers or if the parties are not ready to make peace, the UN cannot play an effective enforcement role. It can, however, offer its technical expertise in multidimensional peacekeeping operations that follow enforcement missions undertaken by states or regional organizations such as NATO. Finding that UN missions are most effective in the first few years after the end of war, and that economic development is the best way to decrease the risk of new fighting in the long run, the authors also argue that the UN's role in launching development projects after civil war should be expanded.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Michael W. Doyle","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955730059382,"sku":"9780691122755","price":63.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_779ac81f-ca5c-401e-92ee-0e65170ab5ab.jpg?v=1767699830"},{"product_id":"when-states-fail-9780691116723","title":"When States Fail","description":"\u003cp\u003eSince 1990, more than 10 million people have been killed in the civil wars of failed states, and hundreds of millions more have been deprived of fundamental rights. The threat of terrorism has only heightened the problem posed by failed states. \u003ci\u003eWhen States Fail\u003c\/i\u003e is the first book to examine how and why states decay and what, if anything, can be done to prevent them from collapsing. It defines and categorizes strong, weak, failing, and collapsed nation-states according to political, social, and economic criteria. And it offers a comprehensive recipe for their reconstruction.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The book comprises fourteen essays by leading scholars and practitioners who help structure this disparate field of research, provide useful empirical descriptions, and offer policy recommendations. Robert Rotberg's substantial opening chapter sets out a theory and taxonomy of state failure. It is followed by two sets of chapters, the first on the nature and correlates of failure, the second on methods of preventing state failure and reconstructing those states that do fail. 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Drawing on the American political experience, Peter Trubowitz reveals how variations in domestic party politics and international power have led presidents from George Washington to Barack Obama to pursue strategies that differ widely in international ambition and cost. He considers why some presidents overreach in foreign affairs while others fail to do enough.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Trubowitz pushes the understanding of grand strategy beyond traditional approaches that stress only international forces or domestic interests. He provides insights into how past leaders responded to cross-pressures between geopolitics and party politics, and how similar issues continue to bedevil American statecraft today. 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Focusing on the desert border to the west of the Rio Grande, this book explains the origins of the modern border and places the line at the center of a transnational history of expanding capitalism and state power in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eMoving across local, regional, and national scales, St. John shows how government officials, Native American raiders, ranchers, railroad builders, miners, investors, immigrants, and smugglers contributed to the rise of state power on the border and developed strategies to navigate the increasingly regulated landscape. Over the border's history, the U.S. and Mexican states gradually developed an expanding array of official laws, ad hoc arrangements, government agents, and physical barriers that did not close the line, but made it a flexible barrier that restricted the movement of some people, goods, and animals without impeding others. 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Acclaimed historian Mark Mazower forces us to set aside the popular myth that the UN miraculously rose from the ashes of World War II as the guardian of a new and peaceful global order, offering instead a strikingly original interpretation of the UN's ideological roots, early history, and changing role in world affairs.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eMazower brings the founding of the UN brilliantly to life. He shows how the UN's creators envisioned a world organization that would protect the interests of empire, yet how this imperial vision was decisively reshaped by the postwar reaffirmation of national sovereignty and the unanticipated rise of India and other former colonial powers. This is a story told through the clash of personalities, such as South African statesman Jan Smuts, who saw in the UN a means to protect the old imperial and racial order; Raphael Lemkin and Joseph Schechtman, Jewish intellectuals at odds over how the UN should combat genocide and other atrocities; and Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first prime minister, who helped transform the UN from an instrument of empire into a forum for ending it.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eA much-needed historical reappraisal of the early development of this vital world institution, \u003ci\u003eNo Enchanted Palace\u003c\/i\u003e reveals how the UN outgrew its origins and has exhibited an extraordinary flexibility that has enabled it to endure to the present day.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Mark M. 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Can rival nations become partners and establish a lasting and stable peace? \u003ci\u003eHow Enemies Become Friends\u003c\/i\u003e provides a bold and innovative account of how nations escape geopolitical competition and replace hostility with friendship. Through compelling analysis and rich historical examples that span the globe and range from the thirteenth century through the present, foreign policy expert Charles Kupchan explores how adversaries can transform enmity into amity—and he exposes prevalent myths about the causes of peace.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eKupchan contends that diplomatic engagement with rivals, far from being appeasement, is critical to rapprochement between adversaries. Diplomacy, not economic interdependence, is the currency of peace; concessions and strategic accommodation promote the mutual trust needed to build an international society. The nature of regimes matters much less than commonly thought: countries, including the United States, should deal with other states based on their foreign policy behavior rather than on whether they are democracies. Kupchan demonstrates that similar social orders and similar ethnicities, races, or religions help nations achieve stable peace. He considers many historical successes and failures, including the onset of friendship between the United States and Great Britain in the early twentieth century, the Concert of Europe, which preserved peace after 1815 but collapsed following revolutions in 1848, and the remarkably close partnership of the Soviet Union and China in the 1950s, which descended into open rivalry by the 1960s.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eIn a world where conflict among nations seems inescapable, \u003ci\u003eHow Enemies Become Friends\u003c\/i\u003e offers critical insights for building lasting peace.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Charles A. 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Others argue that we are witnessing the end of the American era. \u003ci\u003eLiberal Leviathan\u003c\/i\u003e engages these debates.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eG. John Ikenberry argues that the crisis that besets the American-led order is a crisis of authority. A political struggle has been ignited over the distribution of roles, rights, and authority within the liberal international order. But the deeper logic of liberal order remains alive and well. The forces that have triggered this crisis—the rise of non-Western states such as China, contested norms of sovereignty, and the deepening of economic and security interdependence—have resulted from the successful functioning and expansion of the postwar liberal order, not its breakdown. The liberal international order has encountered crises in the past and evolved as a result. It will do so again.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eIkenberry provides the most systematic statement yet about the theory and practice of the liberal international order, and a forceful message for policymakers, scholars, and general readers about why America must renegotiate its relationship with the rest of the world and pursue a more enlightened strategy—that of the liberal leviathan.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"G. 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Computing power is increasingly an impetus to the world economy, and technological developments have changed and are changing almost every aspect of contemporary economic affairs. Gilpin's \u003ci\u003eGlobal Political Economy\u003c\/i\u003e considers each of these developments. Reflecting a lifetime of scholarship, it offers a masterful survey of the approaches that have been used to understand international economic relations and the problems faced in the new economy.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Gilpin focuses on the powerful economic, political, and technological forces that have transformed the world. He gives particular attention to economic globalization, its real and alleged implications for economic affairs, and the degree to which its nature, extent, and significance have been exaggerated and misunderstood. Moreover, he demonstrates that national policies and domestic economies remain the most critical determinants of economic affairs. 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The Gallup organization has begun conducting global surveys of happiness, and several countries are considering publishing periodic reports on the growth or decline of happiness among their people. One nation, tiny Bhutan, has actually made \"Gross National Happiness\" the central aim of its domestic policy. How might happiness research affect government policy in the United States--and beyond? In \u003ci\u003eThe Politics of Happiness\u003c\/i\u003e, former Harvard president Derek Bok examines how governments could use the rapidly growing research data on what makes people happy--in a variety of policy areas to increase well-being and improve the quality of life for all their citizens.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eBok first describes the principal findings of happiness researchers. He considers how reliable the results appear to be and whether they deserve to be taken into account in devising government policies. Recognizing both the strengths and weaknesses of happiness research, Bok looks at the policy implications for economic growth, equality, retirement, unemployment, health care, mental health, family programs, education, and government quality, among other subjects. 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Thomas Homer-Dixon argues in this sobering book that these environmental scarcities will have profound social consequences--contributing to insurrections, ethnic clashes, urban unrest, and other forms of civil violence, especially in the developing world.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Homer-Dixon synthesizes work from a wide range of international research projects to develop a detailed model of the sources of environmental scarcity. He refers to water shortages in China, population growth in sub-Saharan Africa, and land distribution in Mexico, for example, to show that scarcities stem from the degradation and depletion of renewable resources, the increased demand for these resources, and\/or their unequal distribution. He shows that these scarcities can lead to deepened poverty, large-scale migrations, sharpened social cleavages, and weakened institutions. And he describes the kinds of violence that can result from these social effects, arguing that conflicts in Chiapas, Mexico and ongoing turmoil in many African and Asian countries, for instance, are already partly a consequence of scarcity.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Homer-Dixon is careful to point out that the effects of environmental scarcity are indirect and act in combination with other social, political, and economic stresses. He also acknowledges that human ingenuity can reduce the likelihood of conflict, particularly in countries with efficient markets, capable states, and an educated populace. But he argues that the violent consequences of scarcity should not be underestimated--especially when about half the world's population depends directly on local renewables for their day-to-day well-being. In the next decades, he writes, growing scarcities will affect billions of people with unprecedented severity and at an unparalleled scale and pace.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Clearly written and forcefully argued, this book will become the standard work on the complex relationship between environmental scarcities and human violence.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Thomas F. Homer-Dixon","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955737792630,"sku":"9780691089799","price":55.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_0a077379-3037-428f-8159-e204fecd5fac.jpg?v=1767697983"},{"product_id":"barriers-to-democracy-9780691140995","title":"Barriers to Democracy","description":"\u003cp\u003eDemocracy-building efforts from the early 1990s on have funneled billions of dollars into nongovernmental organizations across the developing world, with the U.S. administration of George W. 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By critically examining associational life in the West Bank during the height of the Oslo Peace Process (1993-99), and extending her findings to Morocco, Egypt, and Jordan, Jamal provides vital new insights into a timely issue.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Amaney Jamal","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955737858166,"sku":"9780691140995","price":37.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_1f1b4755-6ed7-4f3f-bb64-3d85ce5c9877.jpg?v=1767699240"},{"product_id":"driving-the-soviets-up-the-wall-9780691124285","title":"Driving the Soviets up the Wall","description":"\u003cp\u003eThe Berlin Wall was the symbol of the Cold War. For the first time, this path-breaking book tells the behind-the-scenes story of the communists' decision to build the Wall in 1961. Hope Harrison's use of archival sources from the former East German and Soviet regimes is unrivalled, and from these sources she builds a highly original and provocative argument: the East Germans pushed the reluctant Soviets into building the Berlin Wall.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e This fascinating work portrays the different approaches favored by the East Germans and the Soviets to stop the exodus of refugees to West Germany. In the wake of Stalin's death in 1953, the Soviets refused the East German request to close their border to West Berlin. The Kremlin rulers told the hard-line East German leaders to solve their refugee problem not by closing the border, but by alleviating their domestic and foreign problems. 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They ask whether the truth commission, as a method of seeking justice after conflict, is fair, moral, and effective in bringing about reconciliation.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The authors weigh the virtues and failings of truth commissions, especially the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, in their attempt to provide restorative rather than retributive justice. They examine, among other issues, the use of reparations as social policy and the granting of amnesty in exchange for testimony. Most of the contributors praise South Africa's decision to trade due process for the kinds of truth that permit closure. But they are skeptical that such revelations produce reconciliation, particularly in societies that remain divided after a compromise peace with no single victor, as in El Salvador. Ultimately, though, they find the truth commission to be a worthy if imperfect instrument for societies seeking to say \"never again\" with confidence. At a time when truth commissions have been proposed for Bosnia, Kosovo, Cyprus, East Timor, Cambodia, Nigeria, Palestine, and elsewhere, the authors' conclusion that restorative justice provides positive gains could not be more important.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In addition to the editors, the contributors are Amy Gutmann, Rajeev Bhargava, Elizabeth Kiss, David A. Crocker, André du Toit, Alex Boraine, Dumisa Ntsebeza, Lisa Kois, Ronald C. Slye, Kent Greenawalt, Sanford Levinson, Martha Minow, Charles S. Maier, Charles Villa-Vicencio, and Wilhelm Verwoerd.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Robert I. 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Michael Horowitz argues that a state or actor wishing to adopt a military innovation must possess both the financial resources to buy or build the technology and the internal organizational capacity to accommodate any necessary changes in recruiting, training, or operations. How countries react to new innovations--and to other actors that do or don't adopt them--has profound implications for the global order and the likelihood of war.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Horowitz looks at some of the most important military innovations throughout history, including the advent of the all-big-gun steel battleship, the development of aircraft carriers and nuclear weapons, and the use of suicide terror by nonstate actors. He shows how expensive innovations can favor wealthier, more powerful countries, but also how those same states often stumble when facing organizationally complicated innovations. Innovations requiring major upheavals in doctrine and organization can disadvantage the wealthiest states due to their bureaucratic inflexibility and weight the balance of power toward smaller and more nimble actors, making conflict more likely. This book provides vital insights into military innovations and their impact on U.S. foreign policy, warfare, and the distribution of power in the international system.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Michael C. Horowitz","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955740938358,"sku":"9780691143965","price":47.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_29797906-00bb-4290-9ed7-3c969ae269e7.jpg?v=1767699502"},{"product_id":"nuclear-logics-9780691134680","title":"Nuclear Logics","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003ci\u003eNuclear Logics\u003c\/i\u003e examines why some states seek nuclear weapons while others renounce them. Looking closely at nine cases in East Asia and the Middle East, Etel Solingen finds two distinct regional patterns. In East Asia, the norm since the late 1960s has been to forswear nuclear weapons, and North Korea, which makes no secret of its nuclear ambitions, is the anomaly. In the Middle East the opposite is the case, with Iran, Iraq, Israel, and Libya suspected of pursuing nuclear-weapons capabilities, with Egypt as the anomaly in recent decades.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eIdentifying the domestic conditions underlying these divergent paths, Solingen argues that there are clear differences between states whose leaders advocate integration in the global economy and those that reject it. Among the former are countries like South Korea, Taiwan, and Japan, whose leaders have had stronger incentives to avoid the political, economic, and other costs of acquiring nuclear weapons. The latter, as in most cases in the Middle East, have had stronger incentives to exploit nuclear weapons as tools in nationalist platforms geared to helping their leaders survive in power. Solingen complements her bold argument with other logics explaining nuclear behavior, including security dilemmas, international norms and institutions, and the role of democracy and authoritarianism. Her account charts the most important frontier in understanding nuclear proliferation: grasping the relationship between internal and external political survival. \u003ci\u003eNuclear Logics\u003c\/i\u003e is a pioneering book that is certain to provide an invaluable resource for researchers, teachers, and practitioners while reframing the policy debate surrounding nonproliferation.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Etel Solingen","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955741462646,"sku":"9780691134680","price":50.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_97dabaea-ffce-4628-af6f-10a049ba1482.jpg?v=1777152382"},{"product_id":"the-clash-of-ideas-in-world-politics-9780691142395","title":"The Clash of Ideas in World Politics","description":"\u003cp\u003eSome blame the violence and unrest in the Muslim world on Islam itself, arguing that the religion and its history is inherently bloody. 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First published in 1976 and revised in 1984, Michael Howard and Peter Paret’s Princeton edition of Clausewitz’s classic work has itself achieved classic status and is widely regarded as the best translation and standard edition of \u003ci\u003eOn War\u003c\/i\u003e in English. This feature-rich edition includes an essay by Paret on the genesis of Clausewitz’s book, an essay by Howard on Clausewitz’s influence, and an essay by Bernard Brodie on the continuing relevance of \u003ci\u003eOn War\u003c\/i\u003e. 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In particular, Roosevelt trained his famous charm on Stalin, lavishing respect on him, salving his insecurities, and rendering him more amenable to compromise on some matters.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eYet, even as he pursued a lasting peace, FDR was alienating his own intimate circle of advisers and becoming dangerously isolated. After his death, postwar cooperation depended on Harry Truman, who, with very different sensibilities, heeded the embittered \"Soviet experts\" his predecessor had kept distant. A Grand Alliance was painstakingly built and carelessly lost. The Cold War was by no means inevitable.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThis landmark study brings to light key overlooked documents, such as the Yalta diary of Roosevelt's daughter Anna; the intimate letters of Roosevelt's de facto chief of staff, Missy LeHand; and the wiretap transcripts of estranged adviser Harry Hopkins. With a gripping narrative and subtle analysis, \u003ci\u003eRoosevelt's Lost Alliances\u003c\/i\u003e lays out a new approach to foreign relations history. Frank Costigliola highlights the interplay between national political interests and more contingent factors, such as the personalities of leaders and the culturally conditioned emotions forming their perceptions and driving their actions. Foreign relations flowed from personal politics—a lesson pertinent to historians, diplomats, and citizens alike.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Frank Costigliola","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955744378998,"sku":"9780691157924","price":29.95,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_3239550b-7c10-47e8-88e1-0b4f5b69ce10.jpg?v=1767701230"},{"product_id":"the-crisis-of-american-foreign-policy-9780691150048","title":"The Crisis of American Foreign Policy","description":"\u003cp\u003eWas George W. Bush the true heir of Woodrow Wilson, the architect of liberal internationalism? Was the Iraq War a result of liberal ideas about America's right to promote democracy abroad? In this timely book, four distinguished scholars of American foreign policy discuss the relationship between the ideals of Woodrow Wilson and those of George W. Bush. \u003ci\u003eThe Crisis of American Foreign Policy\u003c\/i\u003e exposes the challenges resulting from Bush's foreign policy and ponders America's place in the international arena.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Led by John Ikenberry, one of today's foremost foreign policy thinkers, this provocative collection examines the traditions of liberal internationalism that have dominated American foreign policy since the end of World War II. Tony Smith argues that Bush and the neoconservatives followed Wilson in their commitment to promoting democracy abroad. Thomas Knock and Anne-Marie Slaughter disagree and contend that Wilson focused on the building of a collaborative and rule-centered world order, an idea the Bush administration actively resisted. The authors ask if the United States is still capable of leading a cooperative effort to handle the pressing issues of the new century, or if the country will have to go it alone, pursuing policies without regard to the interests of other governments.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Addressing current events in the context of historical policies, this book considers America's position on the global stage and what future directions might be possible for the nation in the post-Bush era.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"G. 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In the debate over whether to join the League of Nations, the United States reaffirmed its historic policy of unilateralism. After World War II, however, it broke decisively with tradition and embraced a new policy of cooperation with partners in Europe and Asia. Today, the United States is pursuing a new strategy of cooperation, forming ad hoc coalitions and evincing an unprecedented willingness to shape but then work within the prevailing international consensus on the appropriate goals and means of foreign policy.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e In interpreting these three defining moments of American foreign policy, Lake draws on theories of relational contracting and poses a general theory of security relationships. He arrays the variety of possible security relationships on a continuum from anarchy to hierarchy, and explains actual relations as a function of three key variables: the benefits from pooling security resources and efforts with others, the expected costs of opportunistic behavior by partners, and governance costs. Lake systematically applies this theory to each of the \"defining moments\" of twentieth-century American foreign policy and develops its broader implications for the study of international relations.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"David A. 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In \u003ci\u003eLooting and Rape in Wartime\u003c\/i\u003e, Tuba Inal addresses the development of these two separate \"prohibition regimes,\" exploring why states make and agree to laws that determine the way war is conducted, and what role gender plays in this process.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eInal argues that three conditions are necessary for the emergence of a global prohibition regime: first, a state must believe that it is necessary to comply with the prohibition and that to do otherwise would be costly; second, the idea that a particular practice is undesirable must become the norm; finally, a prohibition regime emerges with state and nonstate actors supporting it all along the way. These conditions are met by the prohibition against pillage, which developed from a confluence of material circumstances and an ideological context: the nineteenth century fostered ideas about the sanctity of private property, which made the act of looting seem more abhorrent. Meanwhile, the existence of conscripted and regulated armies meant that militaries could take measures to prevent it. In that period, however, rape was still considered a crime of passion or a symptom of behavioral disorder—in other words, a distortion of male sexuality and outside of state control—and it would take many decades to erode the grip of those ideas. Only toward the end of the twentieth century did transformations in gender ideology and the increased participation of women in politics bring about broad cultural shifts in the way we perceive sexual violence, women, and women's roles in policy and lawmaking.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eIn examining the historical and ideological context of how these two regimes evolved, \u003ci\u003eLooting and Rape in Wartime\u003c\/i\u003e provides vital perspective on the forces that block or bring about change in international relations.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Tuba Inal","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955745493110,"sku":"9780812223842","price":29.95,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}]},{"product_id":"uncouth-nation-9780691173511","title":"Uncouth Nation","description":"\u003cp\u003eNo survey can capture the breadth and depth of the anti-Americanism that has swept Europe in recent years. From ultraconservative Bavarian grandmothers to thirty-year-old socialist activists in Greece, from globalization opponents to corporate executives--Europeans are joining in an ever louder chorus of disdain for America. For the first time, anti-Americanism has become a European lingua franca.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  In this sweeping and provocative look at the history of European aversion to America, Andrei Markovits argues that understanding the ubiquity of anti-Americanism since September 11, 2001, requires an appreciation of such sentiments among European elites going back at least to July 4, 1776.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e While George W. Bush's policies have catapulted anti-Americanism into overdrive, particularly in Western Europe, Markovits argues that this loathing has long been driven not by what America does, but by what it is. Focusing on seven Western European countries big and small, he shows how antipathies toward things American embrace aspects of everyday life--such as sports, language, work, education, media, health, and law--that remain far from the purview of the Bush administration's policies. Aggravating Europeans' antipathies toward America is their alleged helplessness in the face of an Americanization that they view as inexorably befalling them.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  More troubling, Markovits argues, is that this anti-Americanism has cultivated a new strain of anti-Semitism. Above all, he shows that while Europeans are far apart in terms of their everyday lives and shared experiences, their not being American provides them with a powerful common identity--one that elites have already begun to harness in their quest to construct a unified Europe to rival America.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Andrei S. Markovits","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955746312310,"sku":"9780691173511","price":31.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}]},{"product_id":"worse-than-a-monolith-9780691142616","title":"Worse Than a Monolith","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn brute-force struggles for survival, such as the two World Wars, disorganization and divisions within an enemy alliance are to one's own advantage. However, most international security politics involve coercive diplomacy and negotiations short of all-out war. \u003ci\u003eWorse Than a Monolith\u003c\/i\u003e demonstrates that when states are engaged in coercive diplomacy--combining threats and assurances to influence the behavior of real or potential adversaries--divisions, rivalries, and lack of coordination within the opposing camp often make it more difficult to prevent the onset of conflict, to prevent existing conflicts from escalating, and to negotiate the end to those conflicts promptly. Focusing on relations between the Communist and anti-Communist alliances in Asia during the Cold War, Thomas Christensen explores how internal divisions and lack of cohesion in the two alliances complicated and undercut coercive diplomacy by sending confusing signals about strength, resolve, and intent. In the case of the Communist camp, internal mistrust and rivalries catalyzed the movement's aggressiveness in ways that we would not have expected from a more cohesive movement under Moscow's clear control.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Reviewing newly available archival material, Christensen examines the instability in relations across the Asian Cold War divide, and sheds new light on the Korean and Vietnam wars.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e While recognizing clear differences between the Cold War and post-Cold War environments, he investigates how efforts to adjust burden-sharing roles among the United States and its Asian security partners have complicated U.S.-China security relations since the collapse of the Soviet Union.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Thomas J. 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Bush\u003c\/i\u003e offers an intimate look at this fundamental period of international history, marks a monumental contribution to our understanding of U.S.-China relations, and sheds light on the ideals of a global president in the making.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  In compelling words, Bush reveals a thoughtful and pragmatic realism that would guide him for decades to come. He considers the crisis of Vietnam, the difficulties of détente, and tensions in the Middle East, while lamenting the global decline in American power. He formulates views on the importance of international alliances and personal diplomacy, as he struggles to form meaningful relationships with China's top leaders. With a critical eye for detail, he depicts key political figures, including Gerald Ford, Donald Rumsfeld, Deng Xiaoping, and the ever-difficult Henry Kissinger. Throughout, Bush offers impressions of China and its people, describing his explorations of Beijing by bicycle, and his experiences with Chinese food, language lessons, and Ping-Pong.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Complete with a preface by George H. W. Bush, and an introduction and essay by Jeffrey Engel that place Bush's China experience in the broad context of his public career, \u003ci\u003eThe China Diary of George H. W. Bush\u003c\/i\u003e offers an unmediated perspective on American diplomatic history, and explores a crucial period's impact on a future commander in chief.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Jeffrey A. Engel","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955747754102,"sku":"9780691130064","price":29.95,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_9d2fe3df-9106-485b-8a4f-e1b075ca054d.jpg?v=1767699248"},{"product_id":"basic-interests-9780691059150","title":"Basic Interests","description":"\u003cp\u003eA generation ago, scholars saw interest groups as the single most important element in the American political system. Today, political scientists are more likely to see groups as a marginal influence compared to institutions such as Congress, the presidency, and the judiciary. Frank Baumgartner and Beth Leech show that scholars have veered from one extreme to another not because of changes in the political system, but because of changes in political science. They review hundreds of books and articles about interest groups from the 1940s to today; examine the methodological and conceptual problems that have beset the field; and suggest research strategies to return interest-group studies to a position of greater relevance.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The authors begin by explaining how the group approach to politics became dominant forty years ago in reaction to the constitutional-legal approach that preceded it. They show how it fell into decline in the 1970s as scholars ignored the impact of groups on government to focus on more quantifiable but narrower subjects, such as collective-action dilemmas and the dynamics of recruitment. As a result, despite intense research activity, we still know very little about how groups influence day-to-day governing. Baumgartner and Leech argue that scholars need to develop a more coherent set of research questions, focus on large-scale studies, and pay more attention to the context of group behavior. Their book will give new impetus and direction to a field that has been in the academic wilderness too long.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Frank R. 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And if so, how has it reconciled its imperialism—and in some cases, its crimes—with the idea of liberty so forcefully expressed in the Declaration of Independence? \u003ci\u003eEmpire for Liberty\u003c\/i\u003e tells the story of men who used the rhetoric of liberty to further their imperial ambitions, and reveals that the quest for empire has guided the nation's architects from the very beginning--and continues to do so today.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eHistorian Richard Immerman paints nuanced portraits of six exceptional public figures who manifestly influenced the course of American empire: Benjamin Franklin, John Quincy Adams, William Henry Seward, Henry Cabot Lodge, John Foster Dulles, and Paul Wolfowitz. Each played a pivotal role as empire builder and, with the exception of Adams, did so without occupying the presidency. Taking readers from the founding of the republic to the Global War on Terror, Immerman shows how each individual's influence arose from a keen sensitivity to the concerns of his times; how the trajectory of American empire was relentless if not straight; and how these shrewd and powerful individuals shaped their rhetoric about liberty to suit their needs.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eBut as Immerman demonstrates in this timely and provocative book, liberty and empire were on a collision course. And in the Global War on Terror and the occupation of Iraq, they violently collided.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Richard H. Immerman","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955747983478,"sku":"9780691156071","price":34.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_e8c30c13-add8-4a97-b769-cbba94025fc5.jpg?v=1767699258"},{"product_id":"the-roman-predicament-9780691136356","title":"The Roman Predicament","description":"\u003cp\u003eModern America owes the Roman Empire for more than gladiator movies and the architecture of the nation's Capitol. It can also thank the ancient republic for some helpful lessons in globalization. So argues economic historian Harold James in this masterful work of intellectual history.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  The book addresses what James terms \"the Roman dilemma\"--the paradoxical notion that while global society depends on a system of rules for building peace and prosperity, this system inevitably leads to domestic clashes, international rivalry, and even wars. As it did in ancient Rome, James argues, a rule-based world order eventually subverts and destroys itself, creating the need for imperial action. The result is a continuous fluctuation between pacification and the breakdown of domestic order.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  James summons this argument, first put forth more than two centuries ago in Adam Smith's \u003ci\u003eWealth of Nations\u003c\/i\u003e and Edward Gibbon's \u003ci\u003eDecline and Fall of the Roman Empire\u003c\/i\u003e, to put current events into perspective. The world now finds itself staggering between a set of internationally negotiated trading rules and exchange--rate regimes, and the enforcement practiced by a sometimes-imperial America. These two forces--liberal international order and empire--will one day feed on each other to create a shakeup in global relations, James predicts. To reinforce his point, he invokes the familiar \u003ci\u003ebon mot\u003c\/i\u003e once applied to the British Empire: \u003ci\u003e\"When Britain could not rule the waves, it waived the rules.\"\u003c\/i\u003e\u003cbr\u003e ?\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Despite the pessimistic prognostications of Smith and Gibbon, who saw no way out of this dilemma, James ends his book on a less depressing note. He includes a chapter on one possible way in which the world could resolve the Roman Predicament--by opting for a global system based on values as opposed to rules.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Harold James","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955748114550,"sku":"9780691136356","price":39.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_afea459d-3458-4ab0-8314-c3acb7f3b0a5.jpg?v=1767702875"},{"product_id":"does-peacekeeping-work-9780691136714","title":"Does Peacekeeping Work?","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn the last fifteen years, the number, size, and scope of peacekeeping missions deployed in the aftermath of civil wars have increased exponentially. From Croatia and Cambodia, to Nicaragua and Namibia, international personnel have been sent to maintain peace around the world. But does peacekeeping work? And if so, how? In \u003ci\u003eDoes Peacekeeping Work?\u003c\/i\u003e Virginia Page Fortna answers these questions through the systematic analysis of civil wars that have taken place since the end of the Cold War. She compares peacekeeping and nonpeacekeeping cases, and she investigates where peacekeepers go, showing that their missions are crucial to the most severe internal conflicts in countries and regions where peace is otherwise likely to falter.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Fortna demonstrates that peacekeeping is an extremely effective policy tool, dramatically reducing the risk that war will resume. Moreover, she explains that relatively small and militarily weak consent-based peacekeeping operations are often just as effective as larger, more robust enforcement missions. Fortna examines the causal mechanisms of peacekeeping, paying particular attention to the perspective of the peacekept--the belligerents themselves--on whose decisions the stability of peace depends. Based on interviews with government and rebel leaders in Sierra Leone, Mozambique, and the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh, \u003ci\u003eDoes Peacekeeping Work?\u003c\/i\u003e demonstrates specific ways in which peacekeepers alter incentives, alleviate fear and mistrust, prevent accidental escalation to war, and shape political procedures to stabilize peace.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Virginia Page Fortna","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955748474998,"sku":"9780691136714","price":31.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_193df31f-ae07-4b04-87bd-0416c038baed.jpg?v=1767702901"},{"product_id":"ruling-the-world-9780691010410","title":"Ruling the World","description":"\u003cp\u003eThe last few decades have witnessed an extraordinary transfer of policy-making prerogatives from individual nation-states to supranational institutions. If you think this is cause for celebration, you are not alone. Within the academic community (and not only among students of international cooperation), the notion that political institutions are mutually beneficial--that they would never come into existence, much less grow in size and assertiveness, were they not \"Pareto-improving\"--is today's conventional wisdom. But is it true? In this richly detailed and strikingly original study, Lloyd Gruber suggests that this emphasis on cooperation's positive-sum consequences may be leading scholars of international relations down the wrong theoretical path.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The fact that membership in a cooperative arrangement is voluntary, Gruber argues, does not mean that it works to everyone's advantage. To the contrary, some cooperators may incur substantial losses relative to the original, non-cooperative status quo. So what, then, keeps these participants from withdrawing? Gruber's answer, in a word, is power--specifically the \"go-it-alone power\" exercised by the regime's beneficiaries, many of whom would continue to benefit even if their partners, the losers, were to opt out. To lend support to this thesis, Gruber takes a fresh look at the political origins and structures of European Monetary Unification and NAFTA. But the theoretical arguments elaborated in \u003ci\u003eRuling the World\u003c\/i\u003e extend well beyond money and trade, touching upon issues of long-standing interest to students of security cooperation, environmental politics, nation-building--even political philosophy. Bold and compelling, this book will appeal to anyone interested in understanding how \"power politics\" really operates and why, for better or worse, it is fueling much of the supranational activity we see today.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Lloyd Gruber","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955749556342,"sku":"9780691010410","price":63.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_86fa0f4d-777a-4b52-b30c-41b149e34b38.jpg?v=1767696011"},{"product_id":"how-wars-end-9780691140605","title":"How Wars End","description":"\u003cp\u003eWhy do some countries choose to end wars short of total victory while others fight on, sometimes in the face of appalling odds? \u003ci\u003eHow Wars End\u003c\/i\u003e argues that two central factors shape war-termination decision making: information about the balance of power and the resolve of one's enemy, and fears that the other side's commitment to abide by a war-ending peace settlement may not be credible.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Dan Reiter explains how information about combat outcomes and other factors may persuade a warring nation to demand more or less in peace negotiations, and why a country might refuse to negotiate limited terms and instead tenaciously pursue absolute victory if it fears that its enemy might renege on a peace deal. He fully lays out the theory and then tests it on more than twenty cases of war-termination behavior, including decisions during the American Civil War, the two world wars, and the Korean War. Reiter helps solve some of the most enduring puzzles in military history, such as why Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, why Germany in 1918 renewed its attack in the West after securing peace with Russia in the East, and why Britain refused to seek peace terms with Germany after France fell in 1940.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003ci\u003eHow Wars End\u003c\/i\u003e concludes with a timely discussion of twentieth-century American foreign policy, framing the Bush Doctrine's emphasis on preventive war in the context of the theory.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Dan Reiter","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955750506614,"sku":"9780691140605","price":37.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_8eb72f7e-3591-447c-9613-4d3f1d1fc1c2.jpg?v=1767700683"},{"product_id":"power-and-plenty-9780691143279","title":"Power and Plenty","description":"\u003cp\u003eInternational trade has shaped the modern world, yet until now no single book has been available for both economists and general readers that traces the history of the international economy from its earliest beginnings to the present day. \u003ci\u003ePower and Plenty\u003c\/i\u003e fills this gap, providing the first full account of world trade and development over the course of the last millennium.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Ronald Findlay and Kevin O'Rourke examine the successive waves of globalization and \"deglobalization\" that have occurred during the past thousand years, looking closely at the technological and political causes behind these long-term trends. They show how the expansion and contraction of the world economy has been directly tied to the two-way interplay of trade and geopolitics, and how war and peace have been critical determinants of international trade over the very long run. The story they tell is sweeping in scope, one that links the emergence of the Western economies with economic and political developments throughout Eurasia centuries ago. Drawing extensively upon empirical evidence and informing their systematic analysis with insights from contemporary economic theory, Findlay and O'Rourke demonstrate the close interrelationships of trade and warfare, the mutual interdependence of the world's different regions, and the crucial role these factors have played in explaining modern economic growth.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e \u003ci\u003ePower and Plenty\u003c\/i\u003e is a must-read for anyone seeking to understand the origins of today's international economy, the forces that continue to shape it, and the economic and political challenges confronting policymakers in the twenty-first century.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Ronald Findlay","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955750867062,"sku":"9780691143279","price":53.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_aeb8db51-5233-47ad-a851-5b8945930b23.jpg?v=1767697128"},{"product_id":"the-empire-trap-9780691155821","title":"The Empire Trap","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eHow the United States became an imperial power by bowing to pressure to defend its citizens' overseas investments\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThroughout the twentieth century, the U.S. government willingly deployed power, hard and soft, to protect American investments all around the globe. 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Maurer discusses how, all the way through the 1970s, the United States not only failed to resist pressure to defend American investments, but also remained unsuccessful at altering internal institutions of other countries in order to make property rights secure in the absence of active American involvement. Foreign nations expropriated American investments, but in almost every case the U.S. government's employment of economic sanctions or covert action obtained market value or more in compensation—despite the growing strategic risks. The advent of institutions focusing on international arbitration finally gave the executive branch a credible political excuse not to act. Maurer cautions that these institutions are now under strain and that a collapse might open the empire trap once more.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eWith shrewd and timely analysis, this book considers American patterns of foreign intervention and the nation's changing role as an imperial power.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Noel Maurer","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955750899830,"sku":"9780691155821","price":53.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_94c40603-5c41-45a2-92fb-90575745ce96.jpg?v=1777755665"},{"product_id":"after-victory-9780691050911","title":"After Victory","description":"\u003cp\u003eThe end of the Cold War was a \"big bang\" reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the World Wars in 1919 and 1945. Here John Ikenberry asks the question, what do states that win wars do with their newfound power and how do they use it to build order? In examining the postwar settlements in modern history, he argues that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The author explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions--both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power--has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit \"constitutional\" characteristics. The open character of the American polity and a web of multilateral institutions allow the United States to exercise strategic restraint and establish stable relations among the industrial democracies despite rapid shifts and extreme disparities in power.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, \u003ci\u003eAfter Victory\u003c\/i\u003e will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today. It also speaks to today's debate over the ability of the United States to lead in an era of unipolar power.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"G. 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On some occasions, these powers acted to protect fellow Christians when allegedly \"uncivilized\" states, like the Ottoman Empire, violated a \"right to life.\" Exploring the political, legal, and moral status, as well as European perceptions, of the Ottoman Empire, Rodogno investigates the reasons that were put forward to exclude the Ottomans from the so-called Family of Nations. 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Arising after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the decisive affirmation of Western-style democracy, cosmopolitan democracy envisions a world politics in which democratic participation by citizens is not constrained by national borders, and where democracy spreads through dialogue and incentives, not coercion and war. This is an incisive and thought-provoking book by one of the world's leading proponents of cosmopolitan democracy.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Daniele Archibugi looks at all aspects of cosmopolitan democracy in theory and practice. Is democracy beyond nation-states feasible? Is it possible to inform global governance with democratic norms and values, and if so, how? Archibugi carefully answers questions like these and forcefully responds to skeptics and critics. He argues that democracy can be extended to the global political arena by strengthening and reforming existing international organizations and creating new ones, and he calls for dramatic changes in the foreign policies of nations to make them compatible with global public interests. Archibugi advocates giving voice to new global players such as social movements, cultural communities, and minorities. 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This book explains how politics shapes corporate governance--how managers, shareholders, and workers jockey for advantage in setting the rules by which companies are run, and for whom they are run. It combines a clear theoretical model on this political interaction, with statistical evidence from thirty-nine countries of Europe, Asia, Africa, and North and South America and detailed narratives of country cases.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e This book differs sharply from most treatments by explaining differences in minority shareholder protections and ownership concentration among countries in terms of the interaction of economic preferences and political institutions. It explores in particular the crucial role of pension plans and financial intermediaries in shaping political preferences for different rules of corporate governance. The countries examined sort into two distinct groups: diffuse shareholding by external investors who pick a board that monitors the managers, and concentrated blockholding by insiders who monitor managers directly. Examining the political coalitions that form among or across management, owners, and workers, the authors find that certain coalitions encourage policies that promote diffuse shareholding, while other coalitions yield blockholding-oriented policies. Political institutions influence the probability of one coalition defeating another.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Peter A. Gourevitch","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955752964214,"sku":"9780691133812","price":41.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_eb2b6b34-bcfe-4a8d-ae19-ad5466b2e5a0.jpg?v=1767699652"},{"product_id":"emergency-politics-9780691152592","title":"Emergency Politics","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003cb\u003eA more democratic response to political emergencies\u003c\/b\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThis book intervenes in contemporary debates about the threat posed to democratic life by political emergencies. Must emergency necessarily enhance and centralize top-down forms of sovereignty? Those who oppose executive branch enhancement often turn instead to law, insisting on the sovereignty of the rule of law or demanding that law rather than force be used to resolve conflicts with enemies. But are these the only options? Or are there more democratic ways to respond to invocations of emergency politics? Looking at how emergencies in the past and present have shaped the development of democracy, Bonnie Honig argues that democracies must resist emergency's pull to focus on life's necessities (food, security, and bare essentials) because these tend to privatize and isolate citizens rather than bring us together on behalf of hopeful futures. Emphasizing the connections between mere life and more life, emergence and emergency, Honig argues that emergencies call us to attend anew to a neglected paradox of democratic politics: that we need good citizens with aspirational ideals to make good politics while we need good politics to infuse citizens with idealism.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eHonig takes a broad approach to emergency, considering immigration politics, new rights claims, contemporary food politics and the infrastructure of consumption, and the limits of law during the Red Scare of the early twentieth century. Taking its bearings from Moses Mendelssohn, Franz Rosenzweig, and other Jewish thinkers, this is a major contribution to modern thought about the challenges and risks of democratic orientation and action in response to emergency.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Bonnie Honig","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955753291894,"sku":"9780691152592","price":35.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}]},{"product_id":"food-fights-over-free-trade-9780691122540","title":"Food Fights over Free Trade","description":"\u003cp\u003eThis detailed account of the politics of opening agricultural markets explains how the institutional context of international negotiations alters the balance of interests at the domestic level to favor trade liberalization despite opposition from powerful farm groups. Historically, agriculture stands out as a sector in which countries stubbornly defend domestic programs, and agricultural issues have been the most frequent source of trade disputes in the postwar trading system. While much protection remains, agricultural trade negotiations have resulted in substantial concessions as well as negotiation collapses. \u003ci\u003eFood Fights over Free Trade\u003c\/i\u003e shows that the liberalization that has occurred has been due to the role of international institutions.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Christina Davis examines the past thirty years of U.S. agricultural trade negotiations with Japan and Europe based on statistical analysis of an original dataset, case studies, and in-depth interviews with over one hundred negotiators and politicians. She shows how the use of issue linkage and international law in the negotiation structure transforms narrow interest group politics into a more broad-based decision process that considers the larger stakes of the negotiation. Even when U.S. threats and the spiraling budget costs of agricultural protection have failed to bring policy change, the agenda, rules, and procedures of trade negotiations have often provided the necessary leverage to open Japanese and European markets.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e This book represents a major contribution to understanding the negotiation process, agricultural politics, and the impact of international institutions on domestic politics.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Christina L. 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He shows how Republicans shifted away from isolationism in the years leading up to World War II and oscillated between realism and idealism during and after the cold war. Yet despite these changes, Dueck argues, conservative foreign policy has been characterized by a hawkish and intense American nationalism, and presidential leadership has been the driving force behind it.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eWhat does the future hold for Republican foreign policy? \u003ci\u003eHard Line\u003c\/i\u003e demonstrates that the answer depends on who becomes the next Republican president. Dueck challenges the popular notion that Republican foreign policy today is beholden to economic interests or neoconservative intellectuals. He shows how Republican presidents have been granted remarkably wide leeway to define their party's foreign policy in the past, and how the future of conservative foreign policy will depend on whether the next Republican president exercises the prudence, pragmatism, and care needed to implement hawkish foreign policies skillfully and successfully. \u003ci\u003eHard Line\u003c\/i\u003e reveals how most Republican presidents since World War II have done just that, and how their accomplishments can help guide future conservative presidents.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Colin Dueck","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":42955753717878,"sku":"9780691141824","price":45.0,"currency_code":"USD","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0671\/1374\/6550\/files\/CoreSourceHub_fb1c8d41-2f2e-4d1a-bdd4-86112a5e4d58.jpg?v=1767700965"},{"product_id":"making-human-rights-a-reality-9780691155364","title":"Making Human Rights a Reality","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn the last six decades, one of the most striking developments in international law is the emergence of a massive body of legal norms and procedures aimed at protecting human rights. 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